DEMOCRATIC SOLIDARISM IDEOLOGY

Thus, it seems that the answers to many questions and challenges of the present, to which other modern scientific the ories have no convincing, and, most importantly, effective and efficient answers, can be formulated only within the framework of ideology, political philosophy and the economic theory of solidarism.

It’s especially important to note that the main goal of the solidary way of production is the dynamic and proportional inclusive development of society, which ensures unconditional and guaranteed satisfaction of the growing demand (both material and intellectual, and civilizational) of all social groups and individuals, regardless of their gender, age, ethnicity, level of education and profession.

Without overloading the reader with complex theoretical analysis, the authors would like to dwell briefly on the characteristics of key economic categories, focusing on those details that will help to understand the essence of the model of modern solidarism.

Solidary property. Classical political economy has always considered property as the core category that permeates the totality of production relations of any mode of production. To reveal the substance of property means to give comprehensive picture of the features of the formation and development of a certain system of economic relations [17].

Such a political and economic characteristic implies the study of property relations in the inextricable unity of its three fundamental parameters, namely: 1) property as a condition of the reproduction process; 2) property as a result of reproduction; 3) property as an element of the organization of reproduction, the characteristics of which distinguish it from previous or subsequent ones.

In the course of the historical development of a market economy—due to the simultaneous progress of the productive forces—the forms of private property objectively has been undergoing a transformation, too.

The following is a theoretical model, the materialization of which allows not only to understand the interpretation of the category “property” in the context of solidarism, but also, most importantly, to evaluate the benefits that a solidary transformation of private property provides to all members of society.

This theoretical model, developed about a decade ago by the previously mentioned Russian economists, professors S. G. Belyaev and V. I. Koshkin [13] introduces a new economic category into the scientific circulation—the associated private property of citizens (hereinafter referred to as APPC).

The authors emphasize that on the descent-based basis, the APPC is private property, since the citizen-owner to whom it brings income has a specific right assigned to it—the right of ownership. At the same time, the APPC is characterized by some significant differences from traditional forms of private capitalist ownership.

Solidifying of ownership, in turn, is fundamentally different from privatization under capitalism. If capitalist privatization, as shown by the experience of Ukraine and almost all countries in the post-Soviet space, was essentially a redistribution of property, primarily in the interests of large capital and government officials, then the point of solidifying property is to give private ownership to all citizens of the country.

It should also be borne in mind that the solidifying of property is fundamentally different from nationalization. This difference is that nationalization implies the transfer of private property into the hands of the bureaucracy (decision-makers in the state) with all the ensuing corruption consequences, while the solidifying of property consists in the personification of rights to own, dispose and use for each citizen.

Taking into account all of the above, the authors would like to recommend today, first conceptually, and subsequently, after a nationwide discussion, legislatively consolidate the institution of associated private property of citizens in the concept of the economic component of the national idea of ​​Ukraine [19].

We believe that a new political force, which absorbs the ideology of democratic solidarism and pursues it in the form of the economic component of the national idea of ​​Ukraine, could initiate appropriate constitutional changes, or, at the first stage, include the provision on the associated private property of citizens in its political program.

This would create real prerequisites for the transformation of ​​such categories of market economy as “minimum wage”, “living wage”, “pension” in the form of a national idea into conceptually new categories, namely, “universal basic income” and “lifetime prosperity” of citizens.

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