After the end of World War I, solidarity ideas began to develop in Germany—among Catholics, in the context of the philosophy of neo-Thomism. The most eminent representatives of this trend were Heinrich Pesch and Gustav Gundlach, who called solidarism a social system [23], “which attaches real importance to the solidarity of people, such as members of the natural community—starting with the family and ending with the state.”

In secular social and political thought and philosophy, ideas about solidarity developed in two directions: 1) social and existential, according to which solidarism was perceived primarily as ontology and soteriology (the doctrine of salvation); 2) social and utilitarian, according to which it was perceived first of all, as a social technology. In other words, firstly, solidarity-as-collegiality and unity and, secondly, solidarity-as-mutual-assistance.

In fact, it should be especially noted that one of the first ideologists of solidarism, in whose work the theme of social solidarity became dominant, French sociologist Émile Durkheim distinguished mechanical and organic social solidarity—on the basis of the existence or absence of individualization of subjects [10].

The ideas of solidarism at the time were actively developed among the Ukrainian emigration (foreign political elite), too. So, solidarism had been the official ideology of the OUN (m) (the Melnikovsky arm of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists) for a quarter century—in 1947-1972. Among the notable ideologists of a solidarity or close conservative and solidarity commitment, it’s necessary to distinguish V. Lipinsky [1], D. Dontsov [8], Yu. Lipa [4], O. Boduynik, V. Daniliv [6], as well as the “Soyuz getmanciv-derzhavnikiv” activists—associates of the hetman Pavlo Skoropadsky [15]. In that environment, there had been an opinion that solidarism was especially close to Ukrainian society due to the long statelessness of Ukraine and the lack of strong monocentric power. The foregoing had been manifested both in the long-standing experience of The Zaporozhian Cossacks, and in the more recent experience of the Makhnovist movement.


In recent years, the scientific bases of a number of countries were enriched  with solid monographic publications on the problem of developing a democratic model of the modern economy. Among these publications, the most vivid and deep are the works of the founders of this problem—Russian scientists, economists, professors S.G. Belyaev and V.I. Koshkin [12].

Today, the terms “solidarity” and “solidarism” are used in the names and programs of some Ukrainian political parties, as well as in its slogans. At the same time, it’s often difficult to understand from these slogans the essence of its solidary political and economic position. If such exists at all.

The purpose of the article. The purpose of the article is to develop the theoretical and methodological foundations of the democratic solidarism ideology and apply this concept in the process of forming a vision of the Ukrainian national idea, which would reflect a realistic perspective on the future and take into account the interests of all social groups of Ukrainian society. It should be noted that the analysis of the different social groups interests of is of undoubted theoretical and practical interest, but there is a subject of separate study.

According to the authors, such a vision should take into account, inter alia, basic national interests and—as a result—must lay the basis of public policy measures, the implementation of which will contribute to the formation of the economic foundations of a new type of society, namely—the state of solidary owners.

Formulation of the problem and the article’s novelty. The novelty of the scientific research is attributable to the following: in the process of establishing their own vision of the Ukrainian national idea, the authors develop and deepen for this purpose the conceptual basis of a new direction of economic thought—the democratic solidarism ideology. This is realized, among other things, on the basis of streamlining the conceptual framework and the authors’ vision of a number of fundamentally new economic categories.

It should be noted that attempts to deeply substantiate the ideology of democratic solidarism and harmoniously synthesize it with the concept of the Ukrainian national idea haven’t yet been carried out in modern scientific economic literature.

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